The Majalla magazine, via , interviews renowned Arab historian, Kamal Salibi. Abridged version below, read the whole thing at Hussain Abdul Hussain's
The Arab Spring blog:
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The Majalla: A few observers have argued that the ongoing Arab revolutions are similar to Europe 1848. Then, the telegraph helped spread freedom principles from one European capital to another and today social media websites such as Facebook and Twitter have managed to break Arab autocratic censorship, and thus allowed citizens to communicate, organize and disseminate their activity to win world sympathy? Do you agree with such assessment?
The ongoing Arab revolutions—if revolutions they are—do bear a striking surface similarity to the European revolutions of 1848. Beneath the surface, however, the differences are blatant. The European revolutions of 1848 aimed at replacing an existing European order that had outlived its use with a new one that was, hopefully, more promising and flexible. I have been observing the ongoing Arab revolutions from their onset to date, and apart from the catharsis they inspire, it seems to me that they still need to find their bearings. And these they would have to find from their own resources, rather than import them from friendly parties, no matter how well-meaning. As Goethe once put it, "No true refreshment can restore thee, save from what from thine own soul spontaneous breaks."
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Q: Some argue that revolutions have hit regimes at peace with Israel or in alliance with the United States. But the fact that unrest reached Syria suggests that foreign policies account for little when it comes to the ongoing popular rage. To what extent have the traditional complaints of so called imperial schemes or the occupation of Palestine affected the Arab popular rage?
Popular rage can be real, and it can be played as a game. To be enraged, one has first to be serious, and take things seriously. Otherwise, rage becomes an insipid game of charades. The problem is, a person or body of people playing rage as a game, if caught at their game and exposed as being dishonest, can turn very dangerous. There is nothing more dangerous than someone caught at his lie.
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Q: In February, Bernard Lewis told The Jerusalem Post in an interview: "We, in the Western world particularly, tend to think of democracy in our own terms—that’s natural and normal—to mean periodic elections in our style. But I think it’s a great mistake to try and think of the Middle East in those terms and that can only lead to disastrous results, as you’ve already seen in various places. They are simply not ready for free and fair elections." Do you agree with Lewis that the Arabs are simply not ready for democracy?
The proposition advanced by Professor Lewis is not of the sort that can be settled by argument. Arabs who are ready for democracy periodically hold free and fair elections following set norms and abide by the outcome, whatever it may chance to be. The same applies universally. Arabs who are not ready for democracy do not do this, or fail in doing it on enough scores to end up being ruled by tyrants. Denials of the Arab readiness for democracy will remain valid for as long as the Arabs (as a people, and not as a panel of brittle intellectuals) do nothing about it. It is they, and they alone, who can prove the proposition advanced by Professor Lewis right or wrong.
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Q: The case of Lebanon. Lebanon was always viewed as vanguard on issues of democracy and governance. However, amidst the Arab spring, Lebanon seems to be the furthest away from fundamental change that is sweeping through some countries. Why is Lebanon behind this time?
Why do you consider Lebanon "behind this time?" I consider it far ahead, for as long as nobody bashes it on the head to destroy it. Next to the US, Lebanon has the oldest constitution in the world which remains in operation, ever since its promulgation on 23 May 1926. The Lebanese may not love the law as much as they should; but there is hardly a Lebanese person who cannot distinguish constitutional and legal from unconstitutional and illegal procedure, or spot the least fault in due process. Breaking the law is one thing; knowing what one is breaking is another. In political sophistication, the Lebanese are hard to beat. And one mark of their addiction to democracy is their political corruption. While I personally hate corruption in whatever form it takes, I recognize, at the same time, that only the free can be truly corrupt.
Q: Will the region see the mushrooming of democracies while Lebanon is left behind? Or do you believe that Lebanon will catch up?
Lebanon is so far ahead of the region of which it forms part that her neighbors will need centuries to catch up with her. That is, unless someone bashes us on the head and destroys us to no return.
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Q: What's your view of the role of the United States and Europe. Do you think they are doing enough to help the Arabs achieve freedom? Are they doing too little or should they do nothing at all?
I am an Arab and I am Lebanese, and I would consider it disgraceful for me to depend on any non-Arab or non-Lebanese potentate in the world to do the things I and my ilk can do for ourselves.
Q: What's your view of the role of other powers, such as Russia, China, and now Turkey, who seem to be the first to defend the status quo (Turkey voiced support toward Qadhafi and Assad, Russia and China shows support too).
Lebanon can have friends; and friends are preferable to enemies. On the other hand, I do not relish seeing foreign powers getting overly involved in our happy little world—so it can remain a happy little world.
